29.4.12

Balfour Declaration & the origins of modern Isreal - Wikipedia

Balfour Declaration - Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Balfour Declaration


(Not to be confused with Balfour Declaration of 1926.)
Balfour declaration unmarked.jpg

The Balfour Declaration (dated 2 November 1917) was a letter from the United Kingdom's Foreign Secretary Arthur James Balfour to Baron Rothschild (Walter Rothschild, 2nd Baron Rothschild), a leader of the British Jewish community, for transmission to the Zionist Federation of Great Britain and Ireland.
His Majesty's government view with favour the establishment in Palestine of a national home for the Jewish people, and will use their best endeavours to facilitate the achievement of this object, it being clearly understood that nothing shall be done which may prejudice the civil and religious rights of existing non-Jewish communities in Palestine, or the rights and political status enjoyed by Jews in any other country.[1]
The "Balfour Declaration" was later incorporated into the Sèvres peace treaty with Turkey and the Mandate for Palestine. The original document is kept at the British Library.

Contents

Background

World War I

Further information: Timeline of World War I
In 1914, war broke out in Europe between Britain with allies and Germany, Austria-Hungary and later that year, the Ottoman Empire. The war on the Western Front developed into a stalemate. Jonathan Shneer writes:
Thus the view from Whitehall early in 1916: If defeat was not imminent, neither was victory; and the outcome of the war of attrition on the Western Front could not be predicted. The colossal forces in a death-grip across Europe and in Eurasia appeared to have canceled each other out. Only the addition of significant new forces on one side or the other seemed likely to tip the scale. Britain's willingness, beginning early in 1916, to explore seriously some kind of arrangement with "world Jewry" or "Great Jewry" must be understood in this context.[2]

Zionism

Further information: Zionism
In 1896, Theodor Herzl, a Jewish journalist living in Austria-Hungary, published Der Judenstaat ("The Jewish State"), in which he asserted that the only solution to the "Jewish Question" in Europe, including growing antisemitism, was through the establishment of a Jewish State. Political Zionism had just been born.[3] A year later, Herzl founded the Zionist Organization (ZO), which at its first congress, "called for the establishment of a home for the Jewish people in Palestine secured under public law". Serviceable means to attain that goal included the promotion of Jewish settlement there, the organization of Jews in the diaspora, the strengthening of Jewish feeling and consciousness, and preparatory steps to attain those necessary governmental grants.[4]

During the first meeting between Weizmann and Balfour in 1906, Balfour asked what Weizmann's objections were to the idea of a Jewish homeland in Uganda, (the Uganda Protectorate in East Africa in the British Uganda Programme), rather than in Palestine. According to Weizmann's memoir, the conversation went as follows:
"Mr. Balfour, supposing I was to offer you Paris instead of London, would you take it?" He sat up, looked at me, and answered: "But Dr. Weizmann, we have London." "That is true," I said, "but we had Jerusalem when London was a marsh." He ... said two things which I remember vividly. The first was: "Are there many Jews who think like you?" I answered: "I believe I speak the mind of millions of Jews whom you will never see and who cannot speak for themselves." ... To this he said: "If that is so you will one day be a force."[5]
Two months after Britain's declaration of war on the Ottoman Empire in November 1914, Zionist British cabinet member Herbert Samuel circulated a memorandum entitled The Future of Palestine to his cabinet colleagues. The memoradum stated that "I am assured that the solution of the problem of Palestine which would be much the most welcome to the leaders and supporters of the Zionist movement throughout the world would be the annexation of the country to the British Empire".

The McMahon–Hussein Correspondence

Main article: McMahon–Hussein Correspondence
Henry McMahon had exchanged letters with Hussein bin Ali, Sharif of Mecca in 1915, in which he had promised Hussein control of Arab lands with the exception of "portions of Syria" lying to the west of "the districts of Damascus, Homs, Hama and Aleppo". Palestine lies to the south of these areas and wasn't explicitly mentioned. That modern-day Lebanese region of the Mediterranean coast was set aside as part of a future French Mandate. After the war the extent of the coastal exclusion was hotly disputed. Hussein had protested that the Arabs of Beirut would greatly oppose isolation from the Arab state or states, but did not bring up the matter of Jerusalem or Palestine. Dr. Chaim Weizmann wrote in his autobiography Trial and Error that Palestine had been excluded from the areas that should have been Arab and independent. This interpretation was supported explicitly by the British government in the 1922 White Paper.

On the basis of McMahon's assurances the Arab Revolt began on 5 June 1916. However, the British and French also secretly concluded the Sykes–Picot Agreement on 16 May 1916.[6] This agreement divided many Arab territories into British- and French-administered areas and allowed for the internationalisation of Palestine.[6] Hussein learned of the agreement when it was leaked by the new Russian government in December 1917, but was satisfied by two disingenuous telegrams from Sir Reginald Wingate, High Commissioner of Egypt, assuring him that the British government's commitments to the Arabs were still valid and that the Sykes-Picot Agreement was not a formal treaty.[6]

According to Isaiah Friedman, Hussein was not perturbed by the Balfour Declaration and on March 23, 1918, in Al Qibla, the daily newspaper of Mecca, with Hussein writing:[7]
The return of these exiles [jaliya] to their homeland will prove materially and spiritually an experimental school for their [Arab] brethren who are with them in the fields, factories, trades and all things connected to the land.
He called on the Arab population in Palestine to welcome the Jews as brethren and cooperate with them for the common welfare.[8] Following the publication of the Declaration the British had dispatched Commander David George Hogarth to see Hussein in January 1918 bearing the message that the "political and economic freedom" of the Palestinian population was not in question.[6] Hogarth reported that Hussein "would not accept an independent Jewish State in Palestine, nor was I instructed to warn him that such a state was contemplated by Great Britain".[9] Continuing Arab disquiet over Allied intentions also led during 1918 to the British Declaration to the Seven and the Anglo-French Declaration, the latter promising "the complete and final liberation of the peoples who have for so long been oppressed by the Turks, and the setting up of national governments and administrations deriving their authority from the free exercise of the initiative and choice of the indigenous populations."[6][10]

Lord Grey had been the foreign secretary during the McMahon-Hussein negotiations. Speaking in the House of Lords on the 27th March 1923, he made it clear that he entertained serious doubts as to the validity of the British government's interpretation of the pledges which he, as foreign secretary, had caused to be given to Hussein in 1915. He called for all of the secret engagements regarding Palestine to be made public.[11] Many of the relevant documents in the National Archives were later declassified and published. Among them were the minutes of a Cabinet Eastern Committee meeting, chaired by Lord Curzon,which was held on 5 December 1918. Balfour was in attendance. The minutes revealed that in laying out the government's position Curzon had explained that: "Palestine was included in the areas as to which Great Britain pledged itself that they should be Arab and independent in the future".[12]

Sykes–Picot Agreement

Further information: Sykes–Picot Agreement
In May 1916 the governments of the United Kingdom, France and Russia agreed the Sykes–Picot Agreement, which defined their proposed spheres of influence and control in Western Asia should the Triple Entente succeed in defeating the Ottoman Empire during World War I. The agreement effectively divided the Arab provinces of the Ottoman Empire outside the Arabian peninsula into areas of future British and French control or influence.
The agreement proposed that an "international administration" would be established in an area shaded brown on the agreement's map, which was later to become Palestine, and that the form of the administration would be "decided upon after consultation with Russia, and subsequently in consultation with the other allies, and the representatives of the sheriff of Mecca". Zionists believed their aspirations has been passed over. William Reginald Hall, British Director of Naval Intelligence criticized the agreement on the basis that the Jews have "the Jews have a strong material, and a very strong political, interest in the future of the country" and that "in the Brown area the question of Zionism, and also of British control of all Palestine railways, in the interest of Egypt, have to be considered".

Motivation for the Declaration

British Government

James Gelvin, a Middle East history professor, cites at least three reasons for why the British government chose to support Zionist aspirations. Issuing the Balfour Declaration would appeal to Woodrow Wilson’s two closest advisors, who were avid Zionists.
"The British did not know quite what to make of President Woodrow Wilson and his conviction (before America's entrance into the war) that the way to end hostilities was for both sides to accept "peace without victory." Two of Wilson's closest advisors, Louis Brandeis and Felix Frankfurter, were avid Zionists. How better to shore up an uncertain ally than by endorsing Zionist aims? The British adopted similar thinking when it came to the Russians, who were in the midst of their revolution. Several of the most prominent revolutionaries, including Leon Trotsky, were of Jewish descent. Why not see if they could be persuaded to keep Russia in the war by appealing to their latent Jewishness and giving them another reason to continue the fight?" ... These include not only those already mentioned but also Britain's desire to attract Jewish financial resources.[13]
At that time the British were busy making promises. At a War Cabinet meeting, held on 31 October 1917, Balfour suggested that a declaration favorable to Zionist aspirations would allow Great Britain "to carry on extremely useful propaganda both in Russia and America"[14]

Weizmann-Balfour relationship


Lord Balfour's desk, in the Museum of the Jewish Diaspora, in Tel Aviv
One of the main proponents of a Jewish homeland in Palestine was Weizmann, the leading spokesperson for organized Zionism in Britain. Weizmann was a chemist who had developed a process to synthesize acetone via fermentation. Acetone is required for the production of cordite, a powerful propellant explosive needed to fire ammunition without generating tell-tale smoke. Germany had cornered supplies of calcium acetate, a major source of acetone. Other pre-war processes in Britain were inadequate to meet the increased demand in World War I, and a shortage of cordite would have severely hampered Britain's war effort. Lloyd-George, then minister for munitions, was grateful to Weizmann and so supported his Zionist aspirations. In his War Memoirs, Lloyd-George wrote of meeting Weizmann in 1916 that Weizmann:
... explained his aspirations as to the repatriation of the Jews to the sacred land they had made famous. That was the fount and origin of the famous declaration about the National Home for the Jews in Palestine .... As soon as I became Prime Minister I talked the whole matter over with Mr Balfour, who was then Foreign Secretary.
However, this version of the story of the declaration's origins has been described as "fanciful", a fair assessment considering that discussions between Weizmann and Balfour had begun at least a decade earlier. In late 1905 Balfour had requested of Charles Dreyfus, his Jewish constituency representative, that he arrange a meeting with Weizmann, during which Weizmann asked for official British support for Zionism; they were to meet again on this issue in 1914.[15]

Jewish National Home vs. Jewish State

Further information: Homeland for the Jewish people
The records of discussions that led up to the final text of the Balfour Declaration clarifies some details of its wording. The phrase "national home" was intentionally used instead of "state" because of opposition to the Zionist program within the British Cabinet. Following discussion of the initial draft the Cabinet Secretary, Mark Sykes, met with the Zionist negotiators to clarify their aims. His official report back to the Cabinet categorically stated that the Zionists did not want "to set up a Jewish Republic or any other form of state in Palestine or in any part of Palestine".[16] Both the Zionist Organization and the British government devoted efforts over the following decades, including Winston Churchill's 1922 White Paper, to denying that a state was the intention.[17] However, in private, many British officials agreed with the interpretation of the Zionists that a state would be established when a Jewish majority was achieved.[18]

The initial draft of the declaration, contained in a letter sent by Rothschild to Balfour, referred to the principle "that Palestine should be reconstituted as the National Home of the Jewish people."[19] In the final text, the word that was replaced with in to avoid committing the entirety of Palestine to this purpose. Similarly, an early draft did not include the commitment that nothing should be done which might prejudice the rights of the non-Jewish communities. These changes came about partly as the result of the urgings of Edwin Samuel Montagu, an influential anti-Zionist Jew and secretary of state for India, who was concerned that the declaration without those changes could result in increased anti-Semitic persecution. The draft was circulated and during October the government received replies from various representatives of the Jewish community. Lord Rothschild took exception to the new proviso on the basis that it presupposed the possibility of a danger to non-Zionists, which he denied.[20]

Authorship

Sir John Evelyn Shuckburgh of the new Middle East department of the Foreign Office discovered that the correspondence prior to the declaration was not available in the Colonial Office, 'although Foreign Office papers were understood to have been lengthy and to have covered a considerable period'." The 'most comprehensive explanation' of the origin of the Balfour Declaration the Foreign Office was able to provide was contained in a small 'unofficial' note of Jan 1923 affirming that:
little is known of how the policy represented by the Declaration was first given form. Four, or perhaps five men were chiefly concerned in the labour – the Earl of Balfour, the late Sir Mark Sykes, and Messrs. Weizmann and Sokolow, with perhaps Lord Rothschild as a figure in the background. Negotiations seem to have been mainly oral and by means of private notes and memoranda of which only the scantiest records seem to be available.[21]
In his posthumously published 1981 book The Anglo-American Establishment, Georgetown University history professor Carroll Quigley explained that the Balfour Declaration was actually drafted by Lord Alfred Milner. Quigley wrote:
This declaration, which is always known as the Balfour Declaration, should rather be called "the Milner Declaration," since Milner was the actual draftsman and was, apparently, its chief supporter in the War Cabinet. This fact was not made public until 21 July 1937. At that time Ormsby-Gore, speaking for the government in Commons, said, "The draft as originally put up by Lord Balfour was not the final draft approved by the War Cabinet. The particular draft assented to by the War Cabinet and afterwards by the Allied Governments and by the United States...and finally embodied in the Mandate, happens to have been drafted by Lord Milner. The actual final draft had to be issued in the name of the Foreign Secretary, but the actual draftsman was Lord Milner."[22]
More recently, William D. Rubinstein, Professor of Modern History at Aberystwyth University, Wales, wrote that Conservative politician and pro-Zionist Leo Amery, as Assistant Secretary to the British war cabinet in 1917, was the main author of the Balfour Declaration.[23]

Reaction to the Declaration

Arab opposition

The Arabs expressed disapproval in November 1918 at the parade marking the first anniversary of the Balfour Declaration. The Muslim-Christian Association protested the carrying of new "white and blue banners with two inverted triangles in the middle". They drew the attention of the authorities to the serious consequences of any political implications in raising the banners.[24][Need quotation to verify]

Later that month, on the first anniversary of the occupation of Jaffa by the British, the Muslim-Christian Association sent a lengthy memorandum and petition to the military governor protesting once more any formation of a Jewish state.[25]

On November 1918 the large group of Palestinian Arab dignitaries and representatives of political associations addressed a petition to the British authorities in which they denounced the declaration. The document stated:
...we always sympathized profoundly with the persecuted Jews and their misfortunes in other countries... but there is wide difference between such sympathy and the acceptance of such a nation...ruling over us and disposing of our affairs.[26]

Zionist reaction

Chaim Weizmann and Nahum Sokolow, the principal Zionist leaders based in London, had asked for the reconstitution of Palestine as "the" Jewish national home. As such, the declaration fell short of Zionist expectations.[27]

British opinion

British public and government opinion became increasingly less favorable to the commitment that had been made to Zionist policy. In February 1922, Winston Churchill telegraphed Herbert Samuel asking for cuts in expenditure and noting:[28]
In both Houses of Parliament there is growing movement of hostility, against Zionist policy in Palestine, which will be stimulated by recent Northcliffe articles. I do not attach undue importance to this movement, but it is increasingly difficult to meet the argument that it is unfair to ask the British taxpayer, already overwhelmed with taxation, to bear the cost of imposing on Palestine an unpopular policy.

German and Ottoman reaction

Immediately following the publication of the declaration Germany entered negotiations with Turkey to put forward counter proposals. A German-Jewish Society was formed: Vereinigung jüdischer Organisationen Deutschlands zur Wahrung der Rechte der Juden des Ostens (V.J.O.D.) and in January 1918 the Turkish Grand Vizier, Talaat, issued a statement which promised legislation by which "all justifiable wishes of the Jews in Palestine would be able to find their fulfilment".[29]

See also

References

  1. ^ Yapp, M.E. (1987-09-01). The Making of the Modern Near East 1792-1923. Harlow, England: Longman. p. 290. ISBN 978-0-582-49380-3.
  2. ^ Schneer, Jonathan. The Balfour Declaration. pp. 152.
  3. ^ Friedman, Isaiah. "Herzl, Theodor." Encyclopaedia Judaica. Ed. Michael Berenbaum and Fred Skolnik. 2nd ed. Vol. 9. Detroit: Macmillan Reference USA, 2007. 54-66. Gale Virtual Reference Library. Web. 15 April 2010.
  4. ^ Avish, Shimon. "Herzl, Theodor [1860–1904]." Encyclopedia of the Modern Middle East and North Africa. Ed. Philip Mattar. 2nd ed. Vol. 2. New York: Macmillan Reference USA, 2004. 1021-1022. Gale Virtual Reference Library. Web. 15 April 2010.
  5. ^ Weizmann, Trial and Error, p.111, as quoted in W. Lacquer, The History of Zionism", 2003, ISBN 978-1-86064-932-5. p.188
  6. ^ a b c d e Khouri, Fred John (1985). The Arab-Israeli Dilemma. Syracuse University Press. ISBN 978-0-8156-2340-3, pp. 8-10.
  7. ^ It Could Have Been Different
  8. ^ Palestine, a Twice-promised Land?: The British, the Arabs & Zionism, 1915-1920 By Isaiah Friedman, page 171
  9. ^ Huneidi, Sahar (2000). A Broken Trust: Herbert Samuel, Zionism and the Palestinians, 1920-1925. IB Tauris. ISBN 978-1-86064-172-5, p. 66.
  10. ^ Report of a Committee Set up to Consider Certain Correspondence Between Sir Henry McMahon and the Sharif of Mecca in 1915 and 1916, UNISPAL, Annex A, paragraph 19.
  11. ^ Report of a Committee Set Up To Consider Certain Correspondence Between Sir Henry McMahon and The Sharif of Mecca[dead link]
  12. ^ cited in Palestine Papers, 1917-1922, Doreen Ingrams, page 48 from the UK Archive files PRO CAB 27/24.
  13. ^ Gelvin, James (2005). The Israel-Palestine Conflict: One Hundred Years of War. New York: Cambridge. pp. 82 and 83.
  14. ^ Palestine Papers 1917-1922, Doreen Ingrams, page 16
  15. ^ Harry Defries, Conservative Party Attitudes to Jews 1900-1950, Routledge, 2001, ISBN 978-0-7146-5221-4. pp.50-51.
  16. ^ Strawson, John (2010). Partitioning Palestine: Legal Fundamentalism in the Palestinian–Israeli Conflict. London: Penguin Books. pp. 33. ISBN 9780745323244.
  17. ^ See the report of the United Nations Special Committee on Palestine, UN Document A/364, 3 September 1947
  18. ^ Mansfield, Peter (1992). The Arabs. London: Penguin Books. pp. 176–77.
  19. ^ Stein, Leonard (1961). The Balfour Declaration. New York: Simon and Schuster. p. 470.
  20. ^ Palestine Papers 1917-1922, Doreen Ingrams, page 13
  21. ^ Full text of note included CO 733/58, Secret Cabinet Paper CP 60 (23), 'Palestine and the Balfour Declaration, January 1923. FO unofficial note added 'little referring to the Balfour Declaration among such papers as have been preserved'. Shuckburgh's memo asserts that 'as the official records are silent, it can only be assumed that such discussions as had taken place were of an informal and private character'.[1]
  22. ^ Quigley, Carroll (1981-06). The Anglo-American Establishment. New York: Books in Focus. p. 169. ISBN 978-0-945001-01-0.
  23. ^ William D. Rubinstein (2000). "The Secret of Leopold Amery". Historical Research (Institute of Historical Research) 73 (181, June 2000): 175–196. doi:10.1111/1468-2281.00102.
  24. ^ Zu'aytir, Akram, Watha'iq al-haraka a-wataniyya al-filastiniyya (1918-1939), ed. Bayan Nuwayhid al-Hut. Beirut 1948. Papers, p. 5. Cited by Huneidi, Sahar "A Broken Trust, Herbert Samuel, Zionism and the Palestinians". ISBN 978-1-86064-172-5 p.32.
  25. ^ 'Petition from the Moslem-Christian Association in Jaffa, to the Military Governor, on the occasion of the First Anniversary of British Entry into Jaffa', 16 November 1918, Zu'aytir papers pp. 7-8. Cited by Huneidi p.32.
  26. ^ Benny Morris. The Righteous Victims. 2001 ISBN 0-679-74475-4 p.76
  27. ^ Balfour Declaration. (2007). In Encyclopædia Britannica. Retrieved August 12, 2007, from Encyclopædia Britannica Online.
  28. ^ CO 733/18, Churchill to Samuel, Telegram, Private and Personal, 25 February 1922. Cited Huneidi, Sahar "A Broken Trust, Herbert Samuel, Zionism and the Palestinians" 2001, ISBN 978-1-86064-172-5, p.57.
  29. ^ MacMunn, Lieut.-General Sir George (1928) Military Operations. Egypt and Palestine. From the outbreak of war with Germany to June 1917. HMSO. Pages 219,220.

Further reading

  • Schneer, Jonathan. The Balfour Declaration: The Origins of the Arab-Israeli Conflict (Random House, 2010) 464pp; ISBN 978-1-4000-6532-5

External links

Posted by at

27.4.12

Julian Smith - tv & podcast

Videos | JulianSmith.tv | I made this for you.

Podcast #24: Becoming Awesome with Julien Smith

By Dave Asprey & Armi Legge

Exclusive Interview: Julien Smith



Podcast: Play in new window | Download


Julien Smith is a New York Times bestselling author, consultant, and speaker who has been involved in online communities for over 15 years – from early BBSes and flashmobs to the social web as we know it today.

Along with being the co-author of Trust Agents, one of the social web’s most recognized books, he is a contributor to GQ, Sirius Satellite Radio, Cosmopolitan, the CBC, and more.
Julien blogs on his website, inoveryourhead.net, and joins us today to talk about his new book, “Flinch”, and how you can, as he says, become “fucking awesome.”

Click here to subscribe to the podcast in iTunes.

What We Cover

  1. What is “the flinch.”
  2. How will facing the flinch improve someone’s life?
  3. Is there anyone the “flinch” does not apply to?
  4. What were some of your biggest fears, or “flinches?”
  5. How did you overcome them?
  6. What are the most common things that hold people back from achieving their goals?
  7. When working with a client who’s trying to succeed in business, but he’s not – where do you start?  What are the first things someone should do when trying to conquer the flinch?
  8. Why should people not wait to “start tomorrow?”  Why is it important for people to take action immediately?
  9. What are three things people can do to push past mental blocks?
  10. What is the “edge”, and why should people embrace it?
  11. Why should someone quit the internet, at least for a little while?
  12. How do you recognize an idiot?
  13. How do you read a book every week for a whole year?
  14. What is the short and sweet guide to becoming fucking awesome?
  15. What tricks do you use on a daily basis to stay productive?

Links From The Show

InOverYourHead.net
The Flinch by Julien Smith
Trust Agents by Chris Brogan and Julien Smith
Posted by at

Overcoming The Flinch | Social Media Explorer

Overcoming The Flinch | Social Media Explorer

by Jason Falls · December 7, 2011
 
Julien Smith’s new book, out today and part of Seth Godin’s Domino Project, is essentially about overcoming our core human instincts to flinch under pressure. Granted, flinching isn’t always bad — it can protect you from danger — but the main type of flinching Smith hopes we can work around are the types that keep us from controlling our destiny, accomplishing our dreams and doing the things we truly want to do but are often afraid of.

The Flinch is not just a business book. It’s an inspirational book for anyone who has some hurdle they wish to accomplish. Whether it’s lose weight, get that big promotion or even break the ice with that handsome guy at the coffee shop, this book will help you learn to recognize your own flinch mechanism and give you some actionable steps to rid yourself of the hesitation.

Like other books in the Domino Project, The Flinch is short, manifesto-style, easy-to-read and pithy. (And since this one is sponsored by the Domino Project, it’s actually available for FREE as an e-book.) Smith’s style really shines in this work. And it’s different from that of his Trust Agents co-author. While those of us who have been reading Julien for years have seen it on his thought-provoking blog, it’s nice for the publishing world and mainstream folks to be able to hear his distinctive voice.

The Flinch - Julien Smith

Smith make’s you think. He pushes your boundaries and perhaps even makes you a bit uncomfortable at times. The Flinch is certainly all about making you uncomfortable, but in good ways. We have to become uncomfortable if we’re ever going to grow and blossom into that person we know we can be.

While there is one point in the book when you think Smith is trying to advocate for the independent, rage-against-the-machine lifestyle he leads, the principles in The Flinch can be applied to any situation. If you want to be a corporate climber — a suit — you’re still going to need to overcome your own genetic disposition to flinch. So anyone can get something out of this book. And I, for one, think everyone should buy it, read it and try to soak up the lessons. We’ll all be happier with ourselves if we do.

I don’t do many singular reviews of books anymore, choosing rather to lump several into one big video review, so you know this book is an exception to the rule for me. And it’s not because I know Julien and want to see a friend do well with his book. I wrote this review and want you to go download The Flinch for yourself for one reason and one reason alone:

When I put it down, the first thing I wanted to do was find my own brick wall and run through it. When you finish, that’s what you’ll want to do.

The Flinch is available on Amazon in electronic format for free.
Posted by at

Amazon.com: The Flinch eBook: Julien Smith: Kindle Store

Amazon.com: The Flinch eBook: Julien Smith: Kindle Store
 
Deliver to your Kindle or other device
 
 
 

Read books on your computer or other mobile devices with our FREE Kindle Reading Apps.

The Flinch
 
 
Read the book description
Share your own customer images

The Flinch [Kindle Edition]

Julien Smith (Author)
4.4 out of 5 stars  See all reviews (118 customer reviews) | Like (167)
Digital List Price: $0.00 What's this?
Kindle Price: $0.00 includes free international wireless delivery via Amazon Whispernet

Editorial Reviews

Product Description

A book so important we refuse to charge for it.

Julien Smith has delivered a surprise, a confrontation, a book that will push you, scare you and possibly stick with you for years to come.

The idea is simple: your flinch mechanism can save your life. It shortcircuits the conscious mind and allows you to pull back and avoid danger faster than you can even imagine it’s there.

But what if danger is exactly what you need?

What if facing the flinch is the one best way to get what you want?

Here’s a chance to read the book everyone will be talking about, before they do.

What are you afraid of? Here's how to find out.

About the Author

Julien Smith is a New York Times bestselling author and speaker who has been involved in organizing online communities for over 15 years, from early BBSes and flashmobs to the social web as we know it today.

Along with being the co-author of Trust Agents, one of the social web’s most recognized books, he is a contributor to GQ, Sirius Satellite Radio, Cosmopolitan, the CBC, and more.

Julien's work is often about leaning into discomfort and pain, into self-examination and discipline, intending both to provoke and unbalance. The lessons from The Flinch came from self-defense professionals, security experts, weightlifters, parkour practitioners, and more.
See all Editorial Reviews
 

Product Details

Customer Reviews

(118)
4.4 out of 5 stars

See all 118 customer reviews
“The book is a short and easy read. ” Brian J. Buehler  |  23 reviewers made a similar statement
Most Helpful Customer Reviews
50 of 57 people found the following review helpful
Format:Kindle Edition
Please know that I am biased. Julien and I wrote Trust Agents together, and we are writing another book due in 2012 together. But if you are willing to accept that I'll write this review for you, the reader, and not on behalf of Julien, my friend, then we can get along. Otherwise, skip and read what others will say.

The Flinch is a book of action. As such, I'm skeptical that you, the reader, will actually do the actions that Julien recommends, even though that's the big reason to read a book like this. But, let's say for a moment that you DO step into the icy cold shower or throw your coffee mug to the ground. Let's say that you DO learn what it means to take on the difficult work of reprogramming some behaviors that have been with you since you were a child. The rewards are phenomenal.

This book is brief. It is also free. But neither detail means that it's an "easy" read. Julien Smith is essentially challenging you to change your perceptions, alter your habits and reflexes, and then reap the rewards of doing this. It's a book that will push you to be brave. It's a book that challenges you to be more honest. It's a book that, if executed, will give you a chance at pushing ahead of those around you because you'll be facing everything with a much more open stance.

Please prove me wrong. Please do the work. Please dare to attack your behaviors and embrace the flinch.
Was this review helpful to you?
19 of 20 people found the following review helpful
Face your fears December 7, 2011
Format:Kindle Edition|Amazon Verified Purchase
Take a cold shower. Even the thought of taking a cold shower is enough to make most people experience "the flinch", according to Julien Smith in this book. The flinch is the instinct which tells you to run, the reaction which causes you to refuse a challenge and prevents you from moving forward. It urges you to avoid risk and hard work, and it pushes you to choose the safe and easy options.

Some of the author's thoughts on the flinch:

* The flinch is why you don't do the work that matters, and why you won't make the hard decisions.
* Over a lifetime, those who listen too much build a habit of trust and conformity.
* Avoiding the flinch withers you, like an old tree that breaks instead of bending in a storm.
* The anxiety of the flinch is almost always worse than the pain itself.
* Flinch avoidance means your everyday world becomes a corridor.
* Train yourself to flinch forward, and your world becomes a series of obstacles to overcome, instead of attacks you have to defend yourself from.
* If you aren't willing to sacrifice your comfort, you don't have what it takes to make a difference.

It is hard to argue with the author's arguments. Many of our failures to act which we explain away as being part of our personality or wise choices designed to minimise risk are in fact little more than an ingrained lack of courage, a persistent failure to face up to our fears. The book provides a number of homework assignments designed to train the reader to avoid flinching, but it seems to me that the battle against flinching is one which lasts a lifetime.
Comment | 
Was this review helpful to you?
36 of 43 people found the following review helpful
Format:Kindle Edition|Amazon Verified Purchase
What is "the flinch"? Author Julien Smith explains: "It's a reaction that brings up old memories and haunts you with them. It tightens your chest and makes you want to run. It does whatever it must do to prevent you from moving forward. ... Whatever form it takes, the flinch is there to support the status quo."

Julien's thoughtful, zero-B.S., examination of this fear is well worth the download and read. The very fact he was able to give such a powerful force an instantly-recognizable name is worthy of your peepers, too. But let's not kid ourselves: Naming a fear makes it easier to identify and discuss ... but calling something "the flinch" doesn't provide much backbone in overcoming it.

Thankfully, that's what the rest of Julien's ebook is about.

I dare not reveal the steps Julien suggests to address and rise above the primal fear of the flinch ... or the simple yet revelatory "homework" assignments he gives readers. That stuff, you can easily discover on your own. However, I will promise that by reading The Flinch, you'll learn something about yourself ... and you might see that you have far more gumption than you ever imagined. Highly recommended.
Comment | 

 
 
 
 
Posted by at
Subscribe to: Posts (Atom)